1.I Think There Is A Food Movement Rising - Michael Pollan
2.Why I Disagree With Kevin Drum on California's GMO Labeling Proposition - Tom Philpott
3.Cargill's Meddling in California Politics Goes Beyond Food - David Winsberg and Stephen Knight
EXTRACT: If the federal government can't regulate GMOs, much less require labeling, it makes sense for citizens to push back at the state level. The Center for Food Safety... has been at the forefront of the effort to push labeling at the state level. Andrew Kimbrell, executive director of the CFS, told me via email that the labeling movement has been vexed because state-legislature agriculture committees tend to be "heavily influenced by agribusiness" making it "extremely difficult to get a genetic engineering labeling bill considered much less passed."
CFS and its allies have tried to get a labeling bill introduced in the California legislature "many times," Kimbrell told me. But these efforts, in California or elsewhere, have failed "because of industry influence and pressure." Hence Prop 37, which made the ballot this summer when it got a million signatures from Californians. The idea was to bypass industry-backed politicians and take the case directly to voters.
...37's fate in next week's ballot suddenly looks pretty grim. As recently as Sept. 27, the initiative held a 3-to-1 lead in a poll by Pepperdine University. But after a blitz of cash from the agrochemical and Big Food industries and a relentless TV-commercial campaign, Prop. 37 the Pepperdine poll had losing 50 to 39 as of Oct. 30. If that result holds, the industry will have yet again used its vast financial resources, won with oligopoly power over its markets, to stave off serious public oversight. (item 2)
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1.Michael Pollan: "I Think There Is A Food Movement Rising"
Huffington Post, 2 November 2012
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/02/michael-pollan-huffpost-live_n_2063701.html
Michael Pollan appeared on HuffPost Live this week to discuss genetically modified foods and California's Prop 37. For those a bit hazy on GMOs, Pollan offers a good description of what is at stake with this proposition. He explains the power of the current food movement and why he believes that there should be GMO labeling.
The discussion also moves toward other important food topics such as fast food, organic food and more. It's a good watch for people who want to familiarize themselves more with these issues, or those who are already well-versed but want to hear what leaders of the field have to say.
Check out the video [below] to learn more about the proposition and Pollan's perspective. [See video here]
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/02/michael-pollan-huffpost-live_n_2063701.html
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2.Why I Disagree With Kevin Drum on California's GMO Labeling Proposition
Tom Philpott
Mother Jones, November 1 2012
http://www.motherjones.com/tom-philpott/2012/10/why-i-disagree-kevin-drum-californias-gmo-labeling-proposition
In his recent "Guide to California's Ballot Mayhem," my colleague, the prominent political blogger Kevin Drum, came out against Prop. 37, which would require that all foods containing genetically modified (GM) GM ingredients be labeled.
In general, Drum says, he opposes the propositions that appear on his home state's ballots unless he sees a clear case for them. For him, Prop. 37 fails that test. "'l confess to mixed feelings about this," he writes. "But I'm afraid mixed feelings mean a No vote." Kevin is agnostic on the merits of compulsory labeling of GM foods. "I respect the desire to know where your food comes from, regardless of whether you want to know different things than I do," he writes, "but on a substantive level I'm not convinced that GM foods pose enough of a genuine hazard to rate detailed labeling laws that are etched in stone forever."
It's technical issues that push Kevin to the "no" side. He writes: "as with so many initiatives, [it's] sloppily written; it can't be changed after it's passed; and it imposes expensive state labeling burdens on interstate commerce, something that I'm increasingly leery of."
I've written a lot about the hazards, potential and realized, that GM crops bring to bear: the complete domination of them by a handful of large companies, the accelerating pesticide treadmill on which they've placed farmers, and the still-little-tested potential health risks. For all of these reasons, I avoid GMOs, and would vote to require their labeling if I had a chance.
For now, I'd like to set those aside and respond to Kevin's technical concerns. I agree that California's ballot initiatives tend to be blunt instruments called upon to do delicate work. It seems to me that the state's meta-problem—the reason its public schools are a mess, the reason it keeps hacking away at its glorious public-university system—can be tied to the infamous, 1978 Prop. 13, still limiting property taxes and squeezing civic institutions a quarter century after its passage.
But I think the effort to label GMOs calls for the use of one of those admittedly unwieldy ballot initiatives. That's because at the national level, the GM seed/agrichemical giants, with their well-heeled lobbying efforts, have managed to stymie all other democratic means for reining them in.
In a 2003 paper (PDF) for New York University’s Center on Environmental and Land Use Law, Emily Marden describes the fragmented, sieve-like process through which genetically altered traits move from lab to supermarket in the United States. Before the first commercial GM crops ever hit farm fields in 1996, Marden reports, the federal government essentially committed itself to not regulating the novel technology. Since the early 1990s, Marden shows, two key assumptions have shaped the official US response to GMOs:
"1. That the technology poses minimal—at most—public-health and ecological risks; and
2. That GMOs needn't be regulated differently than any other foods. As a result, gene-altered organisms have been allowed to suffuse our food supply without any real effort to measure their risk. These decisions were made at the urging of industry, despite serious pushback among scientists within the Food and Drug administration, as this 2000 Mother Jones piece shows. (Here are internal FDA documents from the '90s, in which agency scientists raise objections.) Since the federal regulatory agencies decided to view GMOs as "substantially equivalent" to conventional foods, labeling—required in Europe—has never seriously been considered here."
http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2236&context=bclr
This laissez-faire regime has congealed under President Obama. While campaigning in 2007, Obama vowed he would push labeling of GM foods, "because Americans have a right to know what they're buying." And that's the last we've heard of that principle - Obama's FDA has shown no sign of budging on national labeling.
But there are other ways besides the administration could have stood up to the GMO industry. Early in President Obama's term, the US Department of Agriculture hinted it would restrict planting of Monsanto's new herbicide-tolerant alfalfa product to protect organic farmers' crops from genetic cross-pollination with GM crops. In the agency's environmental impact statement for GMO alfalfa (PDF), the USDA was blunt on two points: 1) "gene flow" between GM and non-GM alfalfa is "probable," and threatens organic dairy producers and other users of non-GMO alfalfa; and 2) widespread use of GM alfalfa threatened to create yet more weeds resistant to Monsanto's Roundup herbicide, which would require ever-higher doses of Roundup and application of ever-more toxic herbicides. The report noted that 2 million acres of US farmland already harbor Roundup-resistant weeds caused by other Roundup Ready crops.
But then the administration abruptly switched course and deregulated biotech alfalfa without restriction. And its reasoning might actually have been correct - as I explained in two posts last year, the USDA's ability to regulate GMO crops was structured in the 1990s to be so weak that it has little standing to restrict crops even when it foresees potential harm, as in the case of alfalfa. Essentially, the agency has given up trying. Meanwhile, in Congress, the industry has been extremely successful in using its lobbying might to insert riders into legislation that would strip away the final vestiges of public oversight.
http://bit.ly/Lf2rdX
http://bit.ly/OAvCUv
That's where California voters come into play. If the federal government can't regulate GMOs, much less require labeling, it makes sense for citizens to push back at the state level. The Center for Food Safety, an NGO that promotes the precautionary principle in regulating novel technologies, has been at the forefront of the effort to push labeling at the state level. Andrew Kimbrell, executive director of the CFS, told me via email that the labeling movement has been vexed because state-legislature agriculture committees tend to be "heavily influenced by agribusiness" making it "extremely difficult to get a genetic engineering labeling bill considered much less passed."
CFS and its allies have tried to get a labeling bill introduced in the California legislature "many times," Kimbrell told me. But these efforts, in California or elsewhere, have failed "because of industry influence and pressure." Hence Prop 37, which made the ballot this summer when it got a million signatures from Californians. The idea was to bypass industry-backed politicians and take the case directly to voters.
Kevin may in the end get his way—Prop. 37's fate in next week's ballot suddenly looks pretty grim. As recently as Sept. 27, the initiative held a 3-to-1 lead in a poll by Pepperdine University. But after a blitz of cash from the agrochemical and Big Food industries and a relentless TV-commercial campaign, Prop. 37 the Pepperdine poll had losing 50 to 39 as of Oct. 30. If that result holds, the industry will have yet again used its vast financial resources, won with oligopoly power over its markets, to stave off serious public oversight.
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3.Cargill's Meddling in California Politics Goes Beyond Food
David Winsberg and Stephen Knight
Civil Eats, October 29 2012
http://civileats.com/2012/10/29/cargill%E2%80%99s-meddling-in-california-politics-goes-beyond-food/
While Monsanto may have grabbed the headlines for the millions of dollars they have poured into the effort to defeat California’s Proposition 37, which would require the labeling of genetically engineered foods, they’re not the only major global agricultural behemoth meddling with California’s politics.
Far more secretive and with ten times the annual revenue of Monsanto is Minnesota-based global ag giant Cargill. Producers of the sweeteners in our soda, the meat in our chili, the grain in our cereal and scores of artificial ingredients slipped into almost every type of processed food, most of us unknowingly consume numerous Cargill products every day.
As a long-time booster of genetically engineered foods it is no surprise to see that Cargill has directly contributed hundreds of thousands of dollars to defeat Prop 37. But the company’s involvement doesn’t stop there. Cargill is also major player behind the Grocery Manufacturers Association, which has kicked in an additional $417,000. Cargill CEO Greg Page sits on their Board. An estimated 91 percent of soybeans and 85 percent of corn grown domestically are genetically engineered, both of which are major Cargill industries, as well as major ingredients in packaged food–making it clear why Cargill is so invested in the defeat of this measure.
Proposition 37 isn’t even close to the first time that Cargill has put their considerable resources into meddling with California’s politics. Since 2000 the company and a handful of employees have contributed over $800,000 to influence local and statewide ballot measures, as well as candidates for public office.
Here in the Bay Area, much of Cargill’s lobbying efforts relate to their proposal to plop a large housing development on defunct San Francisco Bay salt ponds near Redwood City. A broad coalition spearheaded by Save The Bay has fought the proposal for years. To Cargill, salt is another commodity just like soybeans, pigs, and corn. Now that the production of salt is no longer profitable, Cargill wants to squeeze every last bit of profit out of the land by selling it to developers. But the salt ponds have never been permitting for housing, and lack a source of fresh water for any type of development. Save the Bay believes they should be restored back to wetlands instead.
Just as Cargill has lobbied for lax environmental laws around Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs) and fought labeling of GMOs, the company has given tens of thousands of dollars to key Bay Area elected officials. Along with their Arizona-based development partners, DMB Associates, Cargill has spent an unprecedented $350,000 lobbying the Bay Conservation and Development Commission not to adopt strong policies that would protect Bay Area communities from sea level rise. Policies that discourage development below sea level, particularly in areas with habitat restoration potential–such as Cargill’s salt ponds in Redwood City.
For those in the food movement, Cargill’s name is associated with pink slime, e. coli and salmonella. The company has been involved in at least 10 major recalls since 1993, leading to 347 illnesses and 10 deaths, including the salmonella-linked death of a 65 year old woman in Sacramento in 2011. And Cargill was thrust into the spotlight this summer as it was revealed that a controversial Stanford study critical of organics was funded by a center that had received $5 million from Cargill. The news prompted widespread censure and calls to rescind the study.
Cargill's secret corporate influence on California politics has consequences. It impacts the health of our families, the health of our environment and the health of our democratic system.
David Winsberg is the owner of Happy Quail Farms, a small farm in East Palo Alto, California which sells 30 different types of peppers to restaurants and at farmers markets. Stephen Knight is the Political Director for Save The Bay, the oldest and largest organization working to protect and restore San Francisco Bay.